The US can be regarded for its cultural diversity. It is widely believed that this is one of its strongest characteristics.

Logan county, West Virginia, appears to be a region which lacks this cultural diversity. The stamp of King Koal has been on it for generations. No longer the despot as history would show in the Mine Wars, King Koal has now become the Big Daddy, the Savior of the economy of this culturally monolithic region. When Big Daddy Coal beats the drum, the denizens of the mines emerge to pay homage.

Long ago King Koal found out that bringing in Baldwin-Felts thugs to control and intimidate miners was counter-productive to profits. The rise of union power was one factor. Also a growing sympathy from the citizenry who had become more aware of the miners’ plight through media awareness culminated in laws being passed to protect these miners.

So King Koal had to change its strategy as regards labor if it were to maximize profits. Coal companies pay a few of the still employed miners good money and make allies out of them to further the Cause of Greed (Big coal has downsized close to 80% of miners in the past 25 years in favor of using large machines.).

Even when one comes to Logan, one is greeted by a shopping plaza situated on some leveled hills which exists with the stamp of King Koal’s design, purpose and approval. No one moves in Logan without this. All institutions are foreshadowed by the dominant presence of King Koal, both through tradition and through the current well-financed public relations campaign

One comes into Logan from Charleston on Corridor G, a recently constructed freeway cut through the steep terrain. This freeway bears the oft used name in West Virginia of Robert C. Byrd. Robert C. Byrd, the skilled political manipulator, has done much to wrest large funds from the taxpayers across America for many projects in West Virginia, dubious or otherwise. Byrd and King Koal have had a long partnership – Byrd would not have survived politically without it.

At no time was the presence of the power of Big Coal in Logan county more evident than at the public hearing by EPA’s Region III Administrator, W. Michael McCabe, on October 24^th. The purpose of the hearing was to get public comment on several mountain top removal permits which had been held up.

Approaching the Southern West Virginia Community College where the hearing was held one became quickly aware that King Koal had done its job well. There were pro-coal signs. There were pro coal t-shirts. There were pro-coal bumper stickers on as many trucks and ORVs in one area as I’ve seen in a long time. And there were miners

The topic at issue was some permits on mountain top removal, but the King Koal induced rally was structured to make it seem as if mining coal in any form was under attack.

So how does one lure 500 miners and their consorts for a "show of force" on a relaxed fall Saturday when the alterative activity might be to hunt in the woods or to sit in front of the TV and watch the progress of the WVU-Miami football game. This takes forethought and careful planning by the coal companies. First, to put out the word that miners would be laid off if the delayed permits in contention were not forthcoming (before Christmas, especially is bad!), and to do this without reflecting badly on the companies themselves, but to blame "environmental extremists" and their governmental lackey, the EPA, for this possibility.

A well-financed campaign by the coal industry was conducted which included a front organization called the Logan County Coal Vendor’s Association. Through this agency a festive air was established -- a country music band which played familiar music -- a snack bar which served soft drinks and hot dogs "with the works," (free for all regardless of affiliation) – and an enormous TV screen set up at the edge of the parking lot at the Community College to remind the assembled throng that the serious business of the day was really football since West Virginia University had an important conference game with the University of Miami which conflicted, time-wise, with the hearings.

The "Ladies Auxiliary of Coal" was busy thrusting "I support Coal" stickers on anyone who stood still long enough to be accosted. There was no shortage of these stickers – the coal company must have had thousands printed. T-shirts with pro coal slogans on them were commonly worn. The ecology green ones of Arch Coal were a common favorite.

The hearing was in the auditorium, but it appeared at any given moment that there were more miners outside enjoying the warm fall day that there were inside. But there were enough inside to applaud wildly for any person testifying for the cause of mountain top removal.

Those testifying against mountain top removal came from near and far, but mostly far. Some had traveled several hundred miles to be there to testify according to some ecological principle they followed. It can be assumed that the most of those who testified for mountain top removal were local persons, largely from Logan County, but at least in the Southern West Virginia region where this kind of mining practice blooms with increasing frequency.

Who can blame the removers of the mountains for their stance when they make an average of $50,000 a year? They have payments to make, payments on a $100,000 house, a $35,000 pickup truck, a second car for the wife, maybe a third car for the kid in school who is barely of driving age. Perhaps they have payments on a boat, lawn machinery, college education expenses for maturing progeny.

Why wouldn’t they defend their means of livelihood with energy and eloquence?

Traditionally the mountaineers of West Virginia have been close to nature, in the early years of settlement living more or less from the bounty of the land. To this day there is not a group of people who like to hunt and fish as much as do West Virginians. They have a built in love of the natural world and of their mountains. So it must be with some misgivings that they opt to tear up the natural world they live in. It must be with a great deal of denial that they defend the practices of the likes of Arch Coal, Massey, Hobet and the rest.

Large and costly cuts through hills and rocks are evident as part of the scenery on Corridor G which allowed this highway to snake through the hills. At the hearing these cuts were used to show mountain top removal to advantage – why if this fine highway had things resembling valley fills and mountain top removal, then why not similar disfigurements to the landscape to gouge out coal.

Those opposed to the practice of mountain top removal, either in the methods of removal or the practice altogether, spoke of the roughshod manner in which coal companies tear up communities which exist atop coal measures or next to them. They spoke of the disregard these companies have for the homeowners, the megaton blasts which cause damages to the walls and foundations of houses, which sink wells and which give rise to a pervasive dust. They spoke of the coal companies insensitivity to the health of person in these communities, of the dust pollution which makes for some silicosis- inducing breathing and which invades the interior of homes; of the noise pollution practically day and night, and of the sight pollution where horrific "moonscapes"are a constant presence where once lovely vistas were viewed from porches. King Koal has registered no sympathy for this and refuses thus far to accept any responsibility for such.

The argument was made at the hearing that miners who work the strip mines are going to be free of black lung. That certainly is what the coal companies who strip the tops off the mountains in search of coal would want miners to believe. Not necessarily so according to The Louisville Courier-Journal in an article by Gardiner Harris on April 29, 1998.

"The most dangerous job in coal mining may not be underground.

"Miners who spend at least 20 years as strip mine drillers have a 61 percent chance of developing silicosis, a virulent form of black lung. No other job in coal mining has such a high risk."

The show down is building. Stay tuned.